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Dear Friends,

Yesterday and today two significant developments took place:  first, US Treasury Department added the coup leader Min Aung Hlaing's adult children, to the targeted sanctions list, to the existing list of a bunch of top generals and military commanders and second, the 15-member Security Council, chaired by the USA this month, reached a consensus statement which "strongly condemned the violence against unarmed protesters" in Myanmar.  

For the US Treasury Press Release click the link below:

United States Targets Family Members Profiting from Connection to Burmese Coup Leader

For the UN Security Council President's Statement - which was also endorsed by Russia and China click the link below.

Statement by the President of the Security Council on Myanmar, March 10, 2021

These "acts" were followed by the release of yet another statement by UN Special Rapporteur on human rights situation in Myanmar Tom Andrews 

Myanmar junta crackdown likely crimes against humanity requiring coordinated international response - UN expert

Amidst these international statement the troops - ordered shoot to kill - sniper-ed and/or otherwise murdered another 12 protesters, all unarmed and peaceful, across Myanmar. 

The picture of a Myanmar soldier from one of one of the military's  most notorious Light Infantry Divisions showing his middle finger at the protesters in an upcountry (Dry Zone) town perfectly captures the typical/institutionalized attitude of the Burmese coup regime - all military regimes since 1988, for that matter - to the United Nations, or "the international community".   That is, to distill that amorphous term down to the entity which We the People usually look to, when we are in deep distress.

Typically, and correctly, China is viewed as the major obstacle to getting the Security Council to do any effective and impactful to prevent further bloodshed and rein in the hellhounds that have officially retook the state of Myanmar from even the limited form of representative government.  

The Burmese public at large have been seething with rage - at China, primarily, in terms of external actors that have enabled and protected their oppressors in military uniform.  

As a Burmese who has spoken out on various international cases of wholesale repression including Palestine, I put myself in the shoes of the Palestinians who feel, with good reason, the colonial and apartheid state of Israel has been protected by the United States at the Security Council for 3 generations. 

This veto-system is the terminal cancer that has prevented the emergence of the World Order that rests on any real principles of justice, fairness, human rights and peace.  

While I share the rage of my fellow Burmese inside Myanmar I don't let my heart beat for the popular anticipation - perhaps wanting to grab a straw, any straw -  of he Responsibility to Protect, US invasion, Osama bin Laden-style Special Op, etc.  

Myanmar military is a mass-murderous institution, no less. It has committed all crimes ever encoded in the international law books.  After its creation as the arbiter and national guardian - all self-styled  - of Myanmar it now operates with a sense of total international impunity.  

I penned a piece on this subject.  I am sharing my thoughts with you - with no offer of solutions.   For there is no solution - except that the Burmese WILL STRUGGLE on.   There will be a time an external shock will rock the country's domestic politics marked principally by systemic repression and all crimes against humanity.  

As I write this note about 6 of my close friends are either in hiding or on the run. In times like these I look to the old liberation movements against various European colonizers, and equally important, the Africans' attempts to break free of the yoke of European slavery.  

Just as slavery, colonialism and feudalism were norms in the eras past the mass-murderous regimes running and ruining the lives of hundreds of millions of humans are norms. 

I for one take the view that it is the job of the Oppressive regime to oppress, and the inter-state system we call UN to collaborate or tolerate such oppression.   And it is the job of the Oppressed to fight back and to protect themselves by any means necessary.



The right to self-defence is morally, intellectually and strategically  justified. 

No oppressor negotiation with the oppressed.   

Negotiations are fools' errands. 

Today the majoritarian Burmese have rudely woke up to the fact that only they as an ethnic majority do NOT have a self-defence armed group, unlike the rest of the myriad ethnic communities.   

‘Shoot till they are dead’: Police who fled Myanmar reveal orders

Police officers who fled to India give first-hand accounts of how military ordered them to shoot peaceful protesters.

Al Jazeera English, 10 March 2021 

Read the full text at the link below:
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/3/10/shoot-till-they-are-dead-some-myanmar-police-say-fled-to-india
Also I am including a few analyses of mine that were broadcast on South African Broadcasting Corporation last week, and a 11-minute lecture I gave at the U. of Bologna International Relations Festival wherein I explained three different types of crimes that Myanmar's common oppressor, the Tatmadaw, have been committing: the genocide against Rohingyas, the failing "pacification" campaigns against non-Rohingya minorities and the systemic repression of the Burmese majority.  

Myanmar Coup | 18 Killed, dozens injured

https://maungzarni.net/en/news/myanmar-coup-18-killed-dozens-injured 

Myanmar protests continue amid calls for diplomatic intervention 

https://maungzarni.net/en/news/myanmar-protests-continue-amid-calls-diplomatic-intervention

In recent years, the genocide of the majority Muslim Rohingya minority by the government of Myanmar has increasingly drawn attention and outrage from the international community
Today, Burmese academic and activist Maung Zarni will shed light on the situation, detailing the relevant historical circumstances as well as the actors currently involved in this crisis


https://www.instagram.com/tv/CMNZj9noLMz/?igshid=dkygp4d1mhdm

OPINION - 60 years of int'l impunity for Myanmar military's mass murder

Until Feb. 1 coup, the West and the rest were coasting along the bogus narrative of 'fragile democratic transition' with Suu Kyi at its helm.


Maung Zarni   |11.03.2021

LONDON

A deeply troubling aspect of the increasingly vicious behavior of the State Administrative Council (SAC), the coup regime, in Myanmar toward civilians regardless of faith, geography, or ethnicity, is its sense of untouchability at the UN Security Council.

Of all the global governing institutions, only the council can take any effective and credible measures against the commanders responsible for security troops who have for decades been terrorizing unarmed, peaceful protesters on the streets. To belabor the obvious, SAC leaders enjoy the protection of not just one, but two, vetoes by China and the Russian Federation.

Consequently, this sense of blanket impunity pervades and emboldens, in words and deeds, the entire military establishment, from the senior-most generals to the rank and file of the Tatmadaw, including military doctors.

“It’s perfectly OK for the Tatmadaw to kill 1 million out of 53 million people in order to put down the popular revolt and restore order,” Col. Aung Kyaw Zaw, a heart specialist from the Ministry of Defense, is said to have told his shocked medical staff at a private hospital in Yangon, where he moonlights.

It is not fake news or anti-regime propaganda. My doctor friends, whose horrified colleagues work alongside the colonel at the said hospital, recounted to me last night what they have recently learned from sources.

Dr. Aung Kyaw Zaw is not an average medical professional. He is married to the oldest daughter of retired Gen. Kyaw Htin, former defense minister and one of the top five deputies of late dictator Gen. Ne Win. The military doctor moonlights at Kan Tha Ya (or Pleasant Lake) private hospital in Yangon privately owned by coup leader Min Aung Hlaing’s family.

But the heart specialist sharing openly his desire for 1 million hearts to stop beating, is just for starters.

The good doctor proceeded to talk about how successive generations of military leaders – from generals Saw Maung, Khin Nyunt, and Than Shwe – have gotten away with even the genocide against Rohingya, not to mention the previous bloody crackdowns against the student and civilian protesters in 1988 and monks in the 2007 Saffron Revolt. These are names no longer on the radar of international accountability campaigns.

Apparently, there is zero institutional memory on Myanmar affairs amongst the circles of global policymakers, advisers, or the media.

For us, the three generations of Myanmar's democrats and the wretched communities of ethnic nationalities who have been subjected to systemic repression and chronic waves of terror and military violence by the Tatmadaw regime since its textbook coup of March 1962, international impunity which Myanmar’s military leaders have for too long enjoyed, is a part of our painful collective memories.

The Revolutionary Council, Gen. Ne Win’s coup regime, slaughtered several hundred anti-coup protesters on the main Chancellor’s Road on Rangoon University campus on July 7, 1962.  Ne Win ordered the massacre of unarmed student protesters four months after the “bloodless” coup against the democratically elected government of Prime Minister U Nu.  Then his troops proceeded to dynamite the historic Student Union building, a key stronghold for the old anti-British resistance movement, the next morning.

A retired medical doctor, now in his mid-seventies, told me he witnessed how the Tatmadaw troops gunning down peaceful student protesters and onlookers on campus and subsequently hosing away patches of students' blood on the street and on campus buildings, using fire engines. Thanks to social media, I now routinely watch uploaded video clips – and even Facebook live – of similarly horrid scenes of the troops intentionally murdering a new generation of unarmed protesters throughout the country.

Just several years after the massacres by Gen. Ne Win, US President Lyndon B. Johnson invited Ne Win – known for his anti-Communism – to a full-fledged state visit to Washington, holding his nose for the US containment policy. At Ne Win’s request, the LBJ administration even ordered the FBI to quarantine a few Myanmar democrats in exile in order to ensure the murderous general’s visit went without any unpleasant incident.

Throughout the Cold War, the US provided hundreds of millions of dollars ostensibly for the Myanmar military’s anti-narcotic operations, both in cash and in-kind (for instance, dual-use helicopters and aircraft for aerial anti-opium spray), while the Central Intelligence Agency and US Command and Staff colleges trained hundreds of military officers from all branches of Myanmar military,  all paid for by US taxpayers.

US was not alone

During the isolated quarter-century of the '60s, '70s, and '80s, Gen. Ne Win was feted in western democratic countries, such as West Germany, Japan, Switzerland, and the UK, to name a few. An annual VIP visitor to the UK – for golfing, horse-racing, and medical check-ups – Gen. Ne Win sipped tea at the Buckingham Palace with the Queen who, according to a retired British diplomat, considered the Burmese mass-murderer “a nice chap.”

One consolatory thought for the thousands of Myanmar nationals – who were tortured by CIA – and British Police Academy-trained interrogators, rotting behind Ne Win’s jails, having forcibly been exiled – might be that at least Her Majesty’s Government did not knight Ne Win, unlike another nice chap Robert Mugabe!

All these mass-murder enabling programs stopped after the 1988 popular uprising that triggered the collapse of Ne Win’s nominally socialist one-party dictatorship while the ideological winds of democracy and “civil society” were blowing across the countries under leftist totalitarian regimes, worldwide.

Upon closer scrutiny, however, both throughout the Cold War and thereafter, Western governments, global governing institutions, and international financial institutions largely kept intact their commercial and strategic ties with Myanmar’s murderous military. Even when the EU closed Myanmar offices of military attaches, as required by the sanctions, the European governments looked the other way.

Taking the cues from influential western regimes, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the UN Development Program, the Asian Development Bank, the UK Department of International Development, Japan’s International Cooperation and Assistance, unified Germany’s Development Agency (GDZ) and so on, continued to lend the murderous military leaders international recognition.  These entities provide the reviled regime of Myanmar with hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, grants, and loans, while encouraging foreign direct investment in natural resource extractive industries. To paraphrase the mission statement of the post-Cold War creature, the International Crisis Group, the trend was to turn formerly conflict-soaked regions and countries (formerly closed societies) into free markets.

Alas, holding the nose for the egregious and well-documented crimes ever encoded in international law was per for the course with Western democratic governments and their international proxies, including INGOs, think tanks, and development agencies, instrumentalizing the loaded-ideas of development, (Free Market-friendly) civil society, peace-building and all the rest.

Even when the sanctions were imposed by the US, Canada, and the European Union, the seemingly punitive measures were crafted in such a way as to permit the pursuit of western corporate and strategic interests in military-ruled Myanmar. For instance, when in 1997 the US and EU first imposed its sanctions on Myanmar, large enough loopholes in the sanctions law were created. Existing multi-billions dollar investment projects in oil and gas and other natural resource extractive sectors were left undisrupted.

This largely business-as-usual approach to Myanmar’s military leaderships was despite well-documented reports of crimes against humanity in the Rohingya homeland of Western Myanmar, war crimes in other minority regions of Eastern, Northern and Southern Myanmar, the pervasive use of forced labor on western joint ventures, and systematic destruction of anything considered pro-democracy opposition to the military.

Over the last 10 years, the mind-numbing frequency of news and rights reports of Myanmar military's genocide against Rohingya did not deter international policy circles to take a step back, review their Myanmar policies, put a moratorium on investment and development aid, or reassess their military-to-military ties with Myanmar, still in the firm grip of the genocidal military.

Neither the initial unanimous decision in January 2020 by the International Court of Justice to impose provisional measures on Myanmar in the pending The Gambia vs Myanmar case nor the ongoing full investigation of Myanmar’s international crimes against Rohingya had any appreciable policy impact on the national or international policies of any government, regional blocs or International Financial Institutions. 

Until the Feb. 1 coup and the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, her puppet president Win Myint, and other civil society and political leaders, the West and the rest were coasting along with the bogus narrative of the “fragile democratic transition” with Suu Kyi at its helm. Over the last 60 years, no Myanmar military leader with his ultimate command responsibility for any international crime has been held to account, internationally.

Fast learners, successive generations of Myanmar military leaders have decided that six decades of the total absence of accountability for their war crimes, crimes against humanity, and even genocide are solid proof that they can get away with mass-murder and now domestic terrorism.   Just today the regime just murdered another one dozen unarmed protesters across Myanmar within 12 hrs of UN Security Council President's (empty) statement of condemnation of the former's violence.  Without a doubt, Myanmar regime's continuing crimes against humanity directly correlate with the blanket impunity these mass-murderers in general's uniform have enjoyed. 

*Opinions expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Anadolu Agency.